The Project Gutenberg EBook of Meng Xi Bi Tan, Volume 01-06 [1031-1095 A.D.], by Kuo Shen This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.net Title: Meng Xi Bi Tan, Volume 01-06 [1031-1095 A.D.] Author: Kuo Shen Posting Date: May 10, 2009 [EBook #7312] Release Date: January, 2005 First Posted: April 11, 2003 Language: Chinese Character set encoding: UTF-8 *** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK MENG XI BI TAN, VOLUME 01-06 *** Produced by Sally Yu 【卷一 故事一】 上親郊郊廟,冊文皆曰「恭荐歲事」。先景靈宮,謂之「朝獻」;次太廟 ,謂之「朝饗」;末乃有事于南郊。予集《郊式》時,曾預討論,常疑其 次序,若先為尊,則效不應在廟後;若後為尊,則景靈宮不應在太廟之先 。求共所從來,蓋有所因。按唐故事,凡有事地上帝,則百神皆預遣使祭 告,唯太清宮、太廟則皇帝親行。其冊祝皆曰「取某月某日有事于某所, 不敢不告。」宮、廟謂之「奏告」,余皆謂之「祭告」。唯有事于南郊, 方為「正祠」。至天寶九載,乃下詔曰:「『告』者,上告下之詞。今後 太清宮宜稱『獻獻』,太廟稱『朝饗』。」自此遂失「奏告」之名,冊文 皆為「正祠」。 正衙法座,香木為之,加金飾,四足,墮角,其前小偃,織藤冒之。每車 駕出幸,則使老內臣馬上抱之,曰「駕頭」。輦後曲蓋謂之「筤」。兩扇 夾心,通謂之「扇筤」。皆繡,亦有銷金者,即古之華蓋也。 唐翰林院在禁中,乃人主燕居之所。玉堂、承明、金鑾殿皆在其間。應供 奉之人,自學士已下,工伎群官司隸籍其間者,皆稱翰林,如今之翰林醫 官、翰林待詔之類是也。唯翰林茶酒司止稱「翰林司」,蓋相承闕文。唐 制,自宰相而下,初命皆無宣召之禮,惟學士宣召。蓋學士院在禁中,非 內臣宣召,無因得入,故院門別設復門,亦以其通禁庭也。又學士院北扉 者,為其在浴堂之南,便於應召。今學士初拜,自東華門入,至左承天門 下馬;待詔、院吏自左承天門雙引至門。此亦用唐故事也。唐宣召學士, 自東門入者,彼時學士院在西掖,故自翰林院東門赴召,非若今之東華門 也。至如挽鈴故事,亦緣其在禁中,雖學士院吏,亦止于玉堂門外,則其 嚴密可知。如今學士院在外,與諸司無異,亦設鈴索,悉皆文具故事而已 。 學士院玉堂,太宗皇帝曾親幸。至今唯學士上日許正坐,他日皆不敢獨坐 。故事:堂中設視草臺,每草制,則具衣冠據臺而坐。今不復如此,但存 空臺而已。玉堂東承旨子窗格上有火然處。太宗嘗夜幸玉堂,蘇易簡為學 士,已寢,遽起,無燭具衣冠,宮嬪自窗格引燭入照之。至今不欲更易, 以為玉堂一盛事。 東西頭供奉官,本唐從官之名。自永微以後,人主多居大明宮,別置從官 ,謂之「東頭供奉官」。西內具員不廢,則謂之「西頭供奉官」。 唐制,兩省供奉官東西對立,謂之「蛾眉班」。國初,供奉班于百官前橫 列。王溥罷相為東宮,一品班在供奉班之後,遂令供奉班依舊分立。慶歷 賈安公為中丞,以東西班對拜為非禮,復令橫行。至今初敘班分立;百官 班官,乃轉班橫行;參罷,複分立;百官班退,乃出。參用舊制也。 衣冠故事,多無著令,但相承為例。如學士舍人躡履見丞相,往還用平狀 ,扣階乘馬之類,皆用故事也。近歲多用靴簡。章子厚為學士日,因事論 列,今則遂為著令矣。 中國衣冠,自北齊以來,乃全用胡服。窄袖、緋綠短衣、長靿靴、有鞢帶 ,皆胡服也。窄袖利於馳射,短衣、長靿皆便於涉草。胡人樂茂草,常寢 處其間,予使北時皆見之。雖王庭亦在深荐中。予至胡庭日,新雨過,涉 草,衣褲皆濡,唯胡人都無所沾。帶衣所垂蹀躞,蓋欲佩帶弓劍、帨、算 囊、刀勵之類。自後雖去蹀躞,而猶存其環,環所以銜蹀躞,如馬之根, 即今之帶銙也。天子必以十三環為節,唐武德貞觀時猶爾。開元之後,雖 仍舊俗,而稍褒博矣。然帶鉤尚穿帶本為孔,本朝加順折,茂人文也。帕 頭一謂之四腳,乃四帶也。二帶系腦後垂之,二帶後系頭上,令曲折附頂 ,故亦謂之「折上巾」。唐制,唯人主得用硬腳。晚唐方鎮擅命,始僭用 硬腳。本朝頭有進腳、局腳、交腳、朝天、順風,凡五等。唯直腳貴賤 通服之。又庶人所戴頭巾,唐人亦謂之「四腳」,蓋兩腳系腦後,兩腳系 頷下,取共服勞不脫也。無事則反系于頂上。今人不復系頷下,兩帶遂為 虛設。唐中書指揮事謂之「堂帖子」,曾見唐人堂帖,宰相簽押,格如今 之堂劄子也。 予及史館檢討時,議樞密院劄子問宣頭所起。余按唐故事,中書舍人職堂 語詔,皆寫四本:一本為底,一本為宣。此「宣」謂行出耳,未以名書也 。晚唐樞密使自禁中受旨,出付中書,即謂之「宣」。中書承受,錄之于 籍,謂之「宣底」。今史館中尚有故《宣底》二卷,如今之《聖語簿》也 。梁朝初置崇仁院,專行密命。至後唐莊宗復樞密使,使郭崇韜、安重誨 為之,始分領政事,不關由中書直行下者謂之「宣」,如中書之「敕」。 小事則發頭子,擬堂貼也。至今樞密院用宣及頭子,本朝樞密院亦用劄子 。但中書劄子,宰相押字在上,次相及參政以次向下;樞密院劄子,樞長 押字在下,副貳以次向上:以此為別。頭子唯給驛馬之類用之。 百官于中書見宰相,九卿而下,即省吏高聲唱一聲「屈」,則趨而入。宰 相揖及進茶,皆抗聲贊喝,謂之「屈揖」。待制以上見,則言「請某官」 ,更不屈揖,臨退仍進湯,皆于席南橫設百官之位,升朝則坐,京官已下 皆立。後殿引臣寮,則待制已上宣名拜舞;庶官但贊拜,不宣名,不舞蹈 。中書略貴者,示與之抗也。上前則略微者,殺禮也。唐制,丞郎拜官, 即籠門謝。今三司副使已上拜官,則拜舞于子階上;百官拜于階下,而不 舞蹈。此亦籠門故事也。學士院第三廳學士子,當前有一巨槐,素號「槐 廳」。舊傳居此者,多至入相。學士急槐廳,至有抵徹前人行李而強據之 者。余為學士時,目觀此事。諫議班在知制誥上;若帶待制,則在知制誥 下,從職也,戲語謂之「帶墜」。《集賢院記》:「開元故事,校書官許 稱學士」。今三館職事,皆稱「學士」,用開元故事也。 館閣新書淨本有誤書處,以雌黃涂之。嘗校改字之法:刮洗則傷紙,紙貼 之又易脫,粉涂則字不沒,涂數遍方能漫滅。唯雌黃一漫則滅,仍久而不 脫。古人謂之鉛黃,蓋用之有素矣。 余為鄜延經略使日,新一廳,謂之五詞廳。延州正廳乃都督廳,治延州事 ;五司廳治鄜延路軍事,如唐之使院也。五司者,經略、安撫、總管、節 度、觀察也。唐制、方鎮綿帶節度、觀察、處置三使。今節度之職,多歸 總管司;觀察歸安撫司;處置歸經略司。其節度、觀察兩案,並支掌推官 、判官,今皆治州事而已。經略、安撫司不置佐官,以帥權不可更不專也 。都總管、副總管、鈐轄、都監同答書,而皆受經略使節制。銀臺司兼門 下封駁,乃給事中之職,當隸門下省,故事乃隸樞密院。下寺監皆行劄子 ;寺監具申狀,雖三司,亦言「上銀臺」。主判不以官品,初冬獨賜翠毛 錦袍。學士以上,自從本品。行案用區密院雜司人吏,主判食樞密廚,蓋 樞密院子司也。大駕鹵簿中有甚箭,如古之勘契也。其牡謂之「雄牡箭」 ,牝謂之「闢仗箭」。本胡法也。熙寧中罷之。 前世藏書,分隸數處,蓋防水火散亡也。今三館、秘閣,凡四處藏書,然 同在崇文院。其間官書,多為人盜竊,士大夫家往往得之。嘉祐中,置編 校官八員,雜讎四館書。給吏百人,悉以黃紙為大冊寫之。自此私家不敢 輒藏。校讎累年,僅能終昭文一館這書而罷。舊翰林學士地熱清切,皆不 兼他務。文館職任,自校理以上,皆有職錢,唯內外制不給。楊大年久為 學士,家貧,請外,表詞千余言,其間兩聯曰:「虛忝甘泉之從臣,終作 莫敖之餒鬼。」「從者之病莫興,方朔之飢欲死。」京師百官上日,唯翰 林學士敕設用樂,他雖宰相,亦無此禮。優伶並開封府點集。陳和叔除學 士時,和叔知開封府,遂不用女優。學士院敕設肖和女優,自和叔始。 禮部貢院試進士日,設香案于階前,主詞與舉人對拜,此唐故事也。所坐 設位供張甚盛,有司具茶湯飲漿。至試學究,則悉徹帳幕氈席之類,亦無 茶湯,渴則飲硯水,人人皆黔基吻。非故欲困之,乃防氈幕及供應人私傳 所試經義。蓋嘗有敗者,故事為之防。歐文忠有詩:「焚香禮進士,徹幕 待經生。」以為禮數重輕如此,其實自有謂也。 嘉祐中,進士奏名訖,未御試,京師妄傳「王俊民為狀元」,不知言之所 起,人亦莫知俊民為何人。甩御試,王荊公時為知制誥,與天章閣待制楊 樂道二人為詳定官。舊制,御試舉人,設初考官,先定等第;復彌之以送 覆考官,再定等第;乃付詳定官,發初考官所定等,以對覆考之等:如同 即已;不同,則詳其程文,當從初考或從覆考為定,即不得別立等。是時 ,王荊公以初、覆考所定第一人皆未允當,于行間別取一人為狀首。楊樂 道守法,以為不可。議論未決,太常少卿朱從道時為封彌官,聞之,謂同 舍曰:』二公何用力爭,從道十日前已聞王俊民為狀元,事必前定。二公 恨自苦耳。」既而二人各以已意進稟,而詔從荊公之請。及發封,乃王俊 民也。詳定官得別立等,自此始,遂為定制。 選人不得乘馬入宮門。天聖中,選人為館職,始歐陽永叔、黃鑒輩,皆自 左掖門下馬入館,當時謂之「肯行學士」。嘉祐中,于崇文院置編校局, 校官皆許乘馬至院門。其後中書五房置習學公事官,亦緣例乘馬赴局。 車駕行境,前驅謂之隊,則古之清道也。其次衛仗,衛仗者,視闌入宮門 法,則古之外仗也。其中謂之禁圍,如殿中仗。《天官》:「掌舍,無宮 ,則供人門。」今謂之「殿門天武官」,極天下長人之選八人。上御前殿 ,則執鋮立於紫宸門下;行幸則為禁圍門,行于仗馬之前。又有衡門十人 ,隊長一人,選諸武力絕倫者為之。御御後殿,則執檛東西對立於殿前, 亦古之虎賁、人門之類也。 余嘗購得後唐閔帝應順元年案檢一通,乃除宰相劉昫兼判三絲堂檢。前有 擬狀雲:「具官劉昫。右,伏以劉昫經國才高,正君志切,方屬體元之運 ,實資謀始之規。宜注宸衷,委司判計,漸期富庶,永贊聖明。臣等商量 ,望授依前中書侍郎,兼吏部尚書、同中書門下平章事,充集賢殿大學士 ,兼判三司,散官勛封如故。未審可否?如蒙允許,望付翰,林降制處份 ,謹錄奏聞。」其後有制書曰:「宰臣劉昫,右,可兼判三司公事,宜令 中書門下依此施行。付中收門下,准此。四月十日。」用御前新鑄之印。 與今政府行遣稍異。 本朝要事對稟,常事擬進入,畫可然後施行,謂之「熟狀」。事速不及待 報,則先行下,具制草奏和,謂之「進草」。熟狀白紙書,宰相押字,他 執政具姓名。進草即黃紙書,宰臣、執政皆于狀背押字。堂檢,宰、執皆 不押,唯宰屬於檢揹書日,堂吏書名用印。此擬狀有詞,宰相押檢不印, 此其為異也。大率唐人風俗,自朝廷下至郡縣,決事皆有詞,謂之判,則 收判科是也。押檢二人,乃馮道、李愚也。狀檢瀛王親筆,甚有改竄勾抹 處。按《舊五代史》:「應順元年四月九日已卯,鄂王薨。庚辰,以宰相 劉昫判三司。」正是十日,與此檢無差。宋次道記《開元宰相奏請》、鄭 畋《鳳池稿草》、《擬狀注制集》悉多用四六,皆宰相自草。今此擬狀, 馮道親筆,蓋故事也。舊制,中書、樞密院、三司使印並涂金。近制,三 省、樞密院印用銀為之,涂金;余皆鑄銅而已。 【卷二 故事二】 三司使班在翰林學士之上。舊制,權使即與正同,故三司使結銜皆在官職 之上。慶歷中,葉道卿為權三司使,執政有欲抑道卿者,降敕時移權三司 使在職下結銜,遂立翰林學士之下,至今為例。後嘗有人論列,結銜雖依 舊,而權三司使初除,門取旨,間有余學士者,然不為定制。 宗子授南班官,世傳王文正太尉為宰相日,始開此議,不然也。故事,宗 子無遷官法,唯遇稀曠大慶,則普遷一官。景祐中,初定祖宗並配南郊, 宗室欲緣大禮乞推恩,使諸王宮教授刁約草表上聞。後約見丞相王沂公, 公問:「前日宗室乞遷官表,何人所為?」約未測其意,答以不知。歸而 思之,恐事窮且得罪,乃再詣相府。沂公問之如前,約愈恐,不復敢隱, 遂以實對。公曰:「無他,但愛共文詞耳。」再三嘉獎。徐曰:「已得旨 ,別有措置。更數日,當有指揮。」自此遂有南班之授,近屬自初除小將 軍,凡心遷則為節度使,遂為定制。諸宗子以千縑謝約,約辭不敢受。余 與刁親舊,刁嘗出表稿以示余。大理法官,皆親節案,不得使吏人。中書 檢正官不置吏人,每房給楷書一人錄淨而已。蓋欲士人躬親職事,格吏奸 ,兼歷試人才也。太宗命創方團球帶,賜二府文臣。共後樞密使兼侍中張 耆、王貽永皆特賜;李用和、曹郡王皆以元舅賜;近歲宣微使王君貺以耆 舊特賜。皆出異數,非例也。近歲京師士人朝服乘馬,以黲衣蒙之,謂之 「涼衫」,亦古之遺法也。《儀禮》「朝服加景」是也。但不知古人制度 章色如何耳。 內外制凡草制除官,自給諫、待制以上,皆有潤筆物。太宗時,立潤筆錢 數,降詔刻石于舍人院。每除官,則移文督之。在院官下至吏人院騶,皆 分沾。元豐中,改立官制,內外制皆有添給,罷潤筆之物。 唐制,官序未至而以他官權攝者,為直官,如許敬宗為直記室是也。國朝 學士、舍人皆置直院。熙寧中,復置直舍人、學士院,但以資淺者為之, 其實正官也。熙寧六年,舍人皆遷罷,閣下無人,乃以章了平權知制誥, 而不除直院者,以其暫攝也。古之兼官,多是暫時攝領;有長兼者,即同 正官。余家藏《海陵王墓誌》謝朓文,稱「兼中書侍郎。」 三司、開封府、外州長官升廳事,則有衙吏前導告喝。國朝之制,在禁中 唯三官得告:宰相告于中書,翰林學士告于本院,御史告于朝堂。皆用朱 衣吏,謂之「三告官」。所經過處,閽吏以梃扣地警眾,謂之』打仗子」 。兩府、親王,自殿門打至本司及上馬處。宣微使打于本院;三司使、知 開封府打于本司。近歲寺監長官亦打。非故事。前宰相赴朝,亦有特旨, 許張蓋、打仗子者,系臨時指揮。執絲梢鞭入內,自三司副使以上;副使 唯乘紫絲暖座從入。隊長持破木梃,自待制以上。近歲寺監長官持藤仗, 非故事也。百官儀范,著令之外,諸家所記,尚有遺者。雖至猥細,亦一 時儀物也。國朝未改官制以前,異姓未有兼中書令者,唯贈官方有之。元 豐中,曹郡王以元舅特除兼中書令,下度支給俸。有司言:「自來未有活 中書令請受則例。」 都堂及寺觀百官會集坐次,多出臨時。唐以前故事,皆不可考,唯顏真卿 與左仆射定襄君子王郭英又書雲:「宰相、御史大夫、兩省五品、供奉官 自為一行,十二衛大將軍次之,三師、三公、令仆、少師、保傅、尚書左 右丞、侍郎自為一行,九卿、三監對之。從古以來,未堂驂錯。」此亦略 見當時故事,今錄于此,以備闕文。賜「功臣」號,始于唐德宗奉天之役 。自後藩鎮,下至從軍資深者,例賜「功世」。本翰唯以賜將相。熙寧中 ,因上皇帝尊號,宰相率同列面請三四,上終不允,曰:「徽號正如卿等 『功臣』,何補名實?」是時吳正憲為首相,乃請止「功臣」號,從之。 自是群臣相繼請罷,遂不復賜。 【卷三 辨證一】 鈞石之石,五權之名,石重百二十斤。后人以一斛為一石,自漢已如此, 「飲酒一石不亂」是也。挽蹶弓弩,古人以鈞石率之。今人乃以粳米一斛 之重為一石。凡石者,以九十斤半為法,乃漢秤四百四十一斤也。今之武 卒蹶弩,有及九石者,計其力乃古之二十五石,比魏之武卒,人當二人有 余;弓有挽三石者,乃古之三十四鈞,比顏高之弓,人當五人有余。此皆 近歲教養所成。以至擊刺馳射,皆盡夷夏之術;器仗鎧冑,極今古之工巧 。武備之盛,前世未有其比。《楚詞、招魂》尾句皆曰「些」,蘇個反。 今夔、峽、湖、汀及南、北江獠人,凡禁咒句尾皆稱「些」。此乃楚人舊 俗,即梵語「薩最訶」也。薩音桑葛反,最無可反,訶從去聲。三字合言 之,即「些」字也。 陽燧照物皆倒,中間有礙故也。算家謂之』格術」。如人搖櫓,臬為之礙 故也。若蔦飛空中,其影隨鳶而移,或中間為窗隙所束,則影與鳶遂相違 ,鳶東則影西,鳶西則影東。又如窗隙中樓塔之影,中間為窗所束,亦皆 倒垂,與陽燧一也。陽燧面窪,以一指迫而照之則正;漸遠則無所見;過 此遂倒。其無所見處,正如窗隙、櫓臬、腰鼓礙之,本末相格,遂成搖櫓 之勢。故舉手則影愈下,下手則影愈上,此其可見。陽燧面窪,向日照之 ,光皆聚向內。離鏡一、二寸,光聚為一點,大如麻菽,著物則火發,此 則腰鼓最細處也。豈特物為然,人亦如是,中間不為特礙者鮮矣。小則利 害相易,是非相反;大則以已為物,以物為已。不求去礙,而欲見不真倒 ,難矣哉!《酉陽雜俎》謂「海翻則塔影倒」,此妄說也。影用戶窗隙則 倒,乃其常理。先儒以日食正陽之月止謂四月,不然也。正、陽乃兩事, 正謂四月,陽謂十月。日月陽止是也。《詩》有「正月繁霜」;「十月之 交,朔月辛卯。日有食之,亦孔之志願」二者,此先王所惡也。蓋四月鈍 陽,不欲為陰所侵;十月純陰,不欲過而干陽也。 余為《喪服後傳》,書成,熙寧中欲重定五服敕,而余預討論。雷、鄭之 前,闕謬固多,其間高祖遠孫一事,萬為無義。《喪服》但有曾祖齊衰六 月,遠曾緦麻三月,而元高祖遠孫服。先儒皆以謂「服同曾祖曾孫,故不 言可推而知」,或曰「經之所不言而不服」,皆不然也。曾,重也。由祖 而上者,皆曾祖也;由孫而下者,皆曾孫也:雖百世可也。苟有相逮者, 則必為服喪三月。故雖成王之于後稷,亦稱曾孫。而祭禮祝文,無遠近皆 曰曾孫。《禮》所謂「以五為九」者,謂傍親之殺也。上殺、下殺至於九 ,傍殺至於四,而皆謂之族。族昆弟父母、族祖父母、族曾祖父母。過此 則非其族也。 非其族,則為之無服。唯正統不以族名,則是無絕道也。 舊傳黃陵二女,堯子舜妃。以二帝化道之盛,始于閨房,則二女當具任、 姒之德。考其年歲,帝舜陟之時,二妃之齒已百歲矣。后人詩騷所賦,皆 以女子待之,語多瀆慢,皆禮義之罪人也。歷代官室中有謻門,蓋取張衡 《東京賦》「謻門曲榭」也。說者謂「冰室門」。按《字訓》:「謻,別 也。」《東京賦》但言別門耳,故以對曲榭,非有定處也。 水以漳名、洛名者最多,今略舉數處:趙、晉之間有清漳、濁漳,當陽有 漳水,灨上有漳水,鄣郡有漳江,漳州有漳浦,毫州有漳水,安州有漳水 。洛中有洛水,北地郡有洛水,沙縣有洛水。此概舉一二耳,其詳不能具 載。余考其義,乃清濁相蹂者為漳。章者,文也,別也。漳謂兩物相合, 有文章,且可別也。清漳、濁漳,合于上黨。當陽即沮、漳合流,贛上即 漳、灨合流,漳州傳遞未曾目見,鄣郡即西江合流,亳、漳則漳、渦合流 ,雲夢則漳、鄖合流。此數處皆清濁合流,色理如螮蝀,數十里方混。如 璋亦從章,璋,王之左右之臣所執,《詩》雲:「濟濟避王,左右趣之。 濟濟闢王,左右奉璋。」璋,圭之半體也。合之則成圭。王左右之臣,合 體一心,趣乎王者也。又諸侯以聘女,取其判合也。有事于山川,以其殺 宗廟禮之半也。又牙璋以起軍旅,先儒謂「有鉏牙之飾于剡側」,不然也 。牙璋,判合之器也,當于合處為牙,如今之合契。牙璋,牡契也,以起 軍旅,則其牝宜在軍中,即虎符之法也。洛與落同義,謂水自上而而,有 投流處。今淝水、沱水,天下亦多,先儒皆自有解。 解州鹽澤,方百二十里。久雨,四山之水悉注其中,未堂溢;大旱未嘗涸 。鹵色正赤,在版泉之下,俚俗謂之「蚩尤血」。唯中間有一泉,乃是甘 泉,得此水然後可以聚人。其北有葬稍音消水,一謂之巫咸河。大鹵之水 ,不得甘泉和之,不能成鹽。唯巫鹹水入,則鹽不復結,故人謂之「無咸 河」,為鹽澤之患,筑大堤以防之,甚于備寇盜。原其理,蓋巫咸乃濁水 ,入鹵中,則淤淀鹵脈,鹽遂不成,非有他異也。 《莊子》雲:「程生馬。」嘗觀《文字注》:「秦人謂豹曰程。」余至延 州,人至今謂虎豹為「程」,蓋言「蟲」也。方言如此,抑亦舊俗也。 《唐六典》述五行,有祿命、驛馬、湴河之目。人多不曉湴河之義。余在 鄜延,見安南行營諸將閱兵馬藉,有稱「過范河損失」。問其何謂「范何 」?乃越人謂淖沙為「范河」,北人謂之「活沙」。余嘗過無定河,度活 沙,人馬履之,百步之外皆動,澒澒然如人行幕上。其下足處雖甚堅,若 遇其一陷,則人馬駝車,應時皆沒,至有數百人平陷無孑遺者。或謂:此 即流沙也。又謂:沙隨風流,謂之流沙。湴,字書亦作「泥」。蒲濫反。 按古文,泥,深泥也。本書有湴河者,蓋謂陷運,如今之「空亡」也。 古人藏書闢蠹用芸。芸,香草也,今人謂之七里香者是也。葉類豌豆,作 小叢生,其葉權芬香,秋間葉間微白如粉污,闢蠹殊驗。南人採置席下, 能去蚤虱。余判昭文館時,曾得數株于潞公家,移植秘閣後,今不復有存 者。香草之類,大率多異名,所謂蘭蓀,蓀,即今菖蒲是也;蕙,今零陵 香是也;茞,今白芷是也。祭禮有腥、燖、熟三獻。舊說以謂腥、燖備太 古、中古之禮,余以為不然。先王之于死者,以為之無知則不仁,以之為 有知則不智。荐可食之熟,所以為仁;不可食之腥、燖,所以為智。又一 說,腥、燖以鬼道接之,饋食以人道接之,致疑也。或謂鬼神嗜腥、燖, 此雖出於異說,聖人知鬼神之情狀,或有此理,未可致詰。 世以玄為淺黑色,璊有赭玉,皆不然也。玄乃赤黑色,燕羽是也,故謂之 玄鳥。熙寧中,京師貴人戚裡,多衣深紫色。謂之黑紫,與皂相亂,幾不 可分,乃所謂玄也。璊。赭色也。「毳衣如璊」;音門。稷之璊色者謂之 穈。穈字音門,以其色命之也。《詩》:「有穈有芭。」今秦人音糜,聲 之訛也。穈色在朱黃之間,似乎赭,極光瑩,掬之,澤熠熠如赤珠。此自 是一色,似赭非赭。蓋所謂璊,色名也,而從玉,以其赭而澤,故以諭之 也。猶鴘以色名而從鳥,以鳥色諭之也。世間鍛鐵所謂鋼鐵者,用柔鐵屈 盤之,乃以生鐵陷共間,泥封煉之,鍛令相入,謂之「團鋼」,亦謂之「 灌鋼」。此乃偽鋼耳,暫假生鐵以為堅,二三煉則生鐵自熟,仍是柔欠。 然而天下莫以為非者,蓋未識真鋼耳。余出使,至磁州段坊,觀煉鐵,方 識真鋼。凡鐵之有鋼者,如面中有筋,濯盡柔面,則麵筋乃見。煉鋼亦然 ,但取精欠,鍛之百余火,每鍛稱之,一鍛一輕,至累鍛而斤兩不減,則 純鋼也,雖百煉不矣。此乃鐵之精純者,其色清明,磨瑩之,則黯黯然青 且黑,與常勿迥異。亦有煉之至盡而全無鋼者,皆系地之所產。《詩》: 「芄蘭之支,童子佩觿。」觿,解結錐也。芄蘭生莢支,出於中間,垂之 正如解結錐。所謂「佩觿」者,疑古人之韘之制,亦當與芄蘭之葉相似, 但今不復見耳。江南不小栗,謂之「茅栗」。茅音草茅之茅。以余觀之, 此正所謂芧也。則《莊子》所謂「狙公賦芧」者,芧音序。此文相近之誤 也。 余家有閻博陵畫唐秦府十八學士,各有真贊,亦唐人書,多與舊史不同: 姚束字思廉,舊史乃姚思廉字簡之。蘇臺、陸元朗、薛莊,《唐書》皆以 字為名。李玄道、蓋文達、于志寧、許敬宗、劉教孫、蔡允恭,《唐書》 皆不書字。房玄齡字喬年,《唐書》乃房喬字玄齡。孔穎達字穎達,《唐 書》字仲達。蘇典簽名旭,《唐書》乃勖。許敬宗、薛莊官皆直記室,《 唐書》乃攝記室。蓋《唐書》成于后人之手,所傳容有訛謬;此乃當時所 記也。以舊史考之,魏鄭公對太宗雲:「目如懸鈴者佳。」則玄齡果名, 非字也。然蘇世長,太宗召對玄武門,問雲:「卿何名長意短?」後乃為 學士,似為學士時,方更名耳。唐貞觀中,敕下度支求杜若,省郎以謝朓 詩雲:「蘇洲採杜若。」乃責坊州貢之。當時以為嗤笑。至如唐故事,中 書省中植紫薇花,何異坊州貢杜若,然歷世循之,不以為非。至今舍人院 紫微閣前植紫薇花,用唐故事也。漢人有飲酒一石不亂。余以制酒法較之 ,每粗米二斛釀成酒六斛六斗。今酒之至醨者,每秫一斛,不過成酒一斛 五斗,若如漢法,則粗有酒氣而已。能飲者飲多不亂,宜無足怪。然漢之 一斛,亦是今之二斗七升。人之腹中,亦何容置二斗七昇水邪?或謂:「 石乃鈞石之石,百二十斤。」以今秤計之,當三十二斤,亦今之三斗酒也 。于定國食酒數石不亂,疑無此理。 古說濟水伏流地中。今歷下凡發地地皆是流水,世傳濟水經過其下。東阿 亦濟水所經,取井水煮膠,謂之「阿膠」;用攪濁水則清。人服之,下膈 、疏痰、止吐,皆取濟水性趨下清而重,故以治淤濁及逆上之疾。今醫方 不載此意。 余見人為文章多言「前榮」,榮者,夏屋東西序之外屋翼也,謂之東榮、 西榮。四注屋則謂之東榮、西榮。未知前榮安在?宗廟之祭西嚮者,室中 之祭也。藏主于西壁,以其生者之處奧也。即主祏而求之,所以西向而祭 。至三獻則尸出於室,坐于戶西南面,此堂上之祭也。戶西謂扆,設扆于 此。左戶、右牖,戶、牖之間謂之扆。坐于戶西,即當扆而坐也。上堂設 位而亦東嚮者,設用室中之禮也。「人而不為《周南》、《召南》,其猶 正牆面而立也。」《周南》、《召南》樂名也。「胥鼓《南》」;「以《 雅》以《南》」是也。《關雎》、《鵲巢》,二《南》之詩,而已有舞焉 。學者之事,其始也學《周南》、《召南》,末地舞《大夏》、《大武》 。所謂為《周南》、《召南》者,不獨誦其詩而已。《莊子》言:「野馬 也,塵埃也。」乃是兩物。古人即謂野馬為塵埃,如吳融雲:「動樑間之 野馬。」又韓偓雲:「窗裡日光飛野馬。」皆以塵為野馬,恐不然也。野 馬乃田野間浮氣耳,遠望如群馬,又如水波,佛書謂「如熱時野馬陽焰」 ,即此物也。蒲蘆,說者以為蜾贏,疑不然。蒲蘆,即蒲、葦耳。故曰: 「人道每政,地道敏藝」。夫政猶蒲蘆也,人之為政,猶地之藝蒲葦,遂 之而已,亦行其所無事也。 余考樂律,及受詔改鑄渾儀,求秦漢以前度量斗升:計六斗當今一斗七升 九合;秤三斤當今十三兩;一斤當今四兩三分兩之一,一兩當今六銖半。 為升中方;古尺二寸五分十分分之三,今尺一寸八分百分分之四十五強。 十神太一:一曰太,次曰五福太一,三曰天一太一,四曰地太一,五曰君 基太一,六曰臣基太一,七曰民基太一,八曰大游太一,九曰九氣太一, 十曰十神太一。唯太一最尊,更無別名,止謂之太一。三年一移。后人以 其別無名,遂對大游而謂之小游太一,此出於后人誤加之。京師東西太一 宮,正殿祠五福,而太一乃在廊廡,甚為失序。熙寧中,初營中太一宮, 下太史考定神位。余時領太史,預其議論。今前殿祠五福,而太一別為後 殿,各全其尊,深為得禮。然君基、臣基、民基,避唐時帝諱改為「棋」 ,至今仍襲舊名,未曾改正。 余嘉祐中客宣州寧國縣,縣人有方璵者,其高祖方虔,為楊行密守將,總 兵戌寧國,以備兩浙。虔後為吳人所擒,其子從訓代守寧國,故子孫至今 為寧國人。有楊溥與方虔、方從訓手教數十紙,紙扎皆精善。教稱委曲書 ,押處稱「使」,或稱「吳王」。內一紙報方虔雲:「錢鏐此月內已亡歿 」。紙尾書「正月二十九日。」按《五代史》,錢鏐以後唐長興二年卒, 楊溥天成四年已僭即偽位,豈得長興二年尚稱「吳王」?溥手教所指揮事 甚詳,翰墨印記,極有次序,悉是當時親跡。今按,天成四年歲庚寅,長 興三年歲壬辰,計差二年。溥手教,余得其四紙,至今家藏。 【卷四 辨證二】 司馬相如《上林賦》余上林諸水曰:丹水,紫淵,灞、滻、涇、謂,「八 川分流,相背而異態」,「灝溔潢漾……東往太湖。」八川自入大河,大 河去太湖數千里,中間隔太山及淮、濟、大江,何緣與太湖相涉?郭璞《 江賦》雲:「註五湖以漫漭,灌三江而漰沛。」《墨子》曰:「禹治天下 ,南為江、漢、淮、汝,東流注之五湖。」孔字國曰:「自彭蠡,江分為 三,入二震澤後,為北江而入于海。」此皆未嘗詳考地理。江、漢至五湖 自隔山,其末乃繞出五湖之下流徑入于海,何緣入于五湖?淮、汝自徐州 入海,全無交涉。《禹貢》雲:「彭蠡既瀦,陽鳥攸居。三江既入,震澤 底定。」以對文言,則彭蠡既瀦,三江水之所入,非入于震澤也。震澤上 源,皆山環之,了無大川;震澤之委,乃多大川,亦莫知孰為三江者。蓋 三江之水無所入,則震澤壅而為害;三江之水有所入,然後震澤底定。此 水之理也。 海州東海縣西北有二古墓,《圖志》謂之「黃兒墓」。有一石碑,已漫滅 不可讀,莫知黃兒者何人。石延年通判海州,因行縣見之,曰:「漢二疏 ,東海人,此必其墓也。」遂謂之「二疏墓」,刻碑于其傍;后人又收入 《圖經》。余按,疏廣,東海蘭陵人,蘭陵今屬沂州承縣;今東海縣乃漢 之贛榆,自屬瑯琊郡,非古人之東海也。今承縣東四十里自有疏廣墓,其 東又二里有疏受墓。延年不講地誌,但見今謂之東海縣,遂以「二疏」名 之,極為乘誤。大凡地名如此者至多,無足紀者。此乃余初仕為沐陽主簿 日,始見《圖經》中增經事,後世不知其因,往往以為實錄。謾志于此, 以見天下地書皆不可堅信。其北又有「孝女塚」,廟貌甚盛,著在祀典。 孝女亦東海人。贛榆既非東海故境,則教女塚廟,亦后人附會縣名為之耳 。 《楊文公談苑》記江南後主患清暑閣前草生,徐鍇令以桂屑布磚縫中,宿 草盡死。謂《呂氏春秋》雲「桂枝之下無雜木。」蓋桂枝葉螫故也。然桂 之殺草之,自是甚性,不為辛螫也。《雷公炮炙論》雲:「以桂為丁,以 釘木中,其木即死。」一丁至微,未必能螯大木,自其性相制耳。 天下地名錯亂乖謬,率難考信。如楚章華臺,毫州城父縣、陳州敝水縣、 荊州江陵、長林、監利縣皆有之。乾溪亦有數處。據《左傳》,楚靈王七 年,「成章華之臺,與諸侯落之。」杜預注:「章華臺,在華城中。」華 容即今之監利縣,非岳州之華容也。至今有章華故臺,在縣郭中,與杜預 之說相符。毫州城父縣有乾溪,其側亦有章華臺,故臺基下往往得人骨, 雲楚靈王戰死于此。敝呂縣章華之側,亦有乾溪。薛綜注張衡《東京賦》 引《左氏傳》乃雲:「楚子成章華之臺于乾溪。」皆誤說也,《左傳》實 無此文。章華與乾溪,無非一處。 楚靈王十二年,王狩于州來,使蕩侯、潘子、司馬督、囂尹午、陵尹喜帥 師圍徐以懼吳,王次于乾溪。此則城父之乾溪。靈王八年許遷于夷者,乃 此地。十三年,公子比為亂,使觀從從師于乾溪,王從潰,靈王亡,不知 所在;平王即位,殺囚,衣之王服,而流諸漢,乃取葬之,以靖國人,而 赴以乾溪。靈王實縊于芋尹申亥氏,他年申以王柩告,乃改葬之,而非死 于乾溪也。昭王二十七年,吳伐陳,王帥師救陳,次于城父;將戰,王卒 于城父。而《春秋》又雲:「弒其君于乾溪。」則後世謂靈王實死於是, 理不足怪也。 今人守郡謂之「建麾」,蓋用顏延年詩:「一麾乃出守。」此誤也。延年 謂「一麾」者,乃指麾之麾,如武王「右秉白旄以麾」之麾,非旌麾之麾 也。延年《阮始平》詩雲「屢荐不入官,一麾乃出守」者,謂山濤荐咸為 吏部郎,三上武帝,不用,後為荀勖一擠,遂出始平,故有此句。延年被 擯,以此自托耳。自杜牧為《登樂游原》詩雲:「擬把一麾江海去,樂游 原上望昭陵。」始謬用一麾,自此遂為故事。除拜官職,謂除共舊籍,不 然也。除,猶易也,以新易舊曰除,如新舊歲之交謂之「歲除」,《易》 :「除戒不虞。」以新易弊,所以備不虞也。除謂之除者,自下而上,亦 更易之義。世人畫韓退之,小面而美髯,著紗帽。此乃江南韓熙載耳,尚 有當時所畫,題志甚明。熙載謚文靖,江南人謂之韓文公,因此遂謬以為 退之。退之馳而寡髯。元豐中,以退之從享文宣王廟,郡縣所畫,皆是熙 載。後世不復可辨,退之遂為熙載矣。今之數錢,百錢謂之陌者,借陌字 用之,其實只是百字,如什與伍耳。唐自皇甫鎛為墊錢法,至昭宗末,乃 定八十為陌。漢隱帝時,三司使王章每出官錢,又減三錢,以七十七為陌 ,輸官仍用八十。至今輸官錢用有用八十陌者。《唐書》:「開元錢重二 銖四參。」今蜀郡亦以十參為一銖。參吾古之絫字,恐相傳之誤耳。前史 稱嚴武為劍南交節度使,放肆不法,李白為之作《蜀道難》。按孟棨所記 ,白初至京師,賀知章聞其名,首詣之,白出《蜀道難》,讀未畢,稱嘆 數四。時乃天寶初也,此時白尼作《蜀道難》。嚴武為劍南,乃在至德以 後肅宗時,年代甚遠。蓋小說所記,各得于一時見聞,本末不相知,率多 舛誤,皆此文之類。李白集中稱「刺章仇兼瓊」,與《唐書》所載不同, 此《唐書》誤也。舊《尚書•禹貢》雲:「雲夢士作義。」太宗皇帝時, 得古本《尚書》,作「雲土夢作義」,詔改《禹改》從古本。余按,孔安 國注:「雲夢之澤在江南。不然也。據《左傳》:「吳人入郢,楚子涉雎 濟江,入于雲中。王寢,盜攻之,以戈擊王,王奔鄖。」楚子自郢西走涉 雎,則當出於江南;其後涉江入于雲中,遂左鄖,鄖則今之安州。涉江而 後至雲,入雲然後至咄,則雲在江北也。《左傳》曰:「鄭伯如楚,王以 田江南之夢。」杜預注雲:「楚之雲、夢,跨江南、北。」曰「江南之夢 」,則雲在江北明矣。無豐中,余自隨州道發陸,于入漢口,有景陵主簿 郭思者,能言漢、沔間地理,亦以謂江南為夢,江北為雲。余以《左傳》 驗之,思之說信然。江南則今之公安、右首、建寧等縣,江北則玉沙、監 利、景陵等縣,乃水之所委,其地最下。江南二浙,水出稍高,雲方土而 夢已作又矣。此古本之為允也。 【卷五 樂律一】 《周禮》:「凡樂,圜鐘為宮,黃鐘為角,太蔟為徵,姑洗為羽。若樂六 變,則天神皆降,可得而禮矣。函鐘為宮,太蔟為角,姑洗為徵,南呂為 羽。若樂八變,即地祇紼出,可得而禮矣。黃鐘為宮,大呂為角,太蔟為 徵,應鐘為羽。若樂九變,則人鬼可得而禮矣。」凡聲之高下,列為五等 ,以宮、商、角、徵、羽名之。為之主者曰宮,次二曰商,次三曰角,次 四曰徵,次五曰羽,此謂之序。名可易,序不可易。圜鐘為宮,則黃鐘乃 第五羽聲也,今則謂之角,雖謂之角,名則易矣,其實第五之聲,安能變 哉?強謂之角而已。先王為樂之意,蓋不如是也。世之樂異乎郊廟之樂者 ,如圜鐘為宮,則林鐘角聲也。樂有用林鐘者,則變而用黃鐘,此祀天神 之音云耳,非謂能易羽以為角也。函鐘為宮,則太蔟徵聲也。樂有用太蔟 者,則變而用姑洗,此求地祇之音云耳,非謂能易羽以為徵也。黃鐘為宮 ,則南呂羽聲也。樂有用南呂者,則變而用應鐘,此求人鬼之音云耳,非 謂能變均外音聲以為羽也。應鐘、黃鐘,宮之變徵。文、武之出,不用二 變聲,所以在均外。鬼神之情,當以類求之。朱弦越席,太羹明酒,所以 交于冥莫者,異乎養道,此所以變其律也。聲之不用商,先儒以謂惡殺聲 也。黃鐘之太蔟,函鐘之南呂,皆商也,是殺聲未嘗不用也,所以不用商 者,商,中聲也。宮生徵、徵生商,商生羽,羽生角。故商為中聲。降興 上下之神,虛其中聲人聲也。遺乎人聲,所以致一于鬼神也。宗廟之樂, 宮為之先,其次角,又次徵,又次羽。宮、角、徵、羽相次者,人樂之敘 也,故以之求人鬼。世樂之敘宮、商、角、徵、羽,此但無商耳,其余悉 用,此人樂之敘也。何以知宮為先、其次角、又次徵、又次羽?以律呂次 敘知之也。黃鐘最長,大呂次長,太蔟又次,應鐘最短,此其敘也。圓丘 方澤之樂,皆以角為先,其次徵,又次宮,又次羽。始于角木,木生火, 火生土,土生水。越金。不用商也。木、火、土、水相次者,天地之敘, 故以之禮天地,五行之行:木生火,火生土,土生金,金生水。此但不用 金耳,其余悉用。此敘,天地之敘也。何以知其角為先、其次徵、又次宮 、又次羽?以律呂次敘之也。黃鐘最長,太蔟次長,圜鐘又次,姑洗又次 ,函鐘又次,南呂最短,此其敘也。此四音之敘也。天之氣始于子,故先 以黃鐘;天之功畢于三月,故張望之以媽洗。地之功見于正月,故先之以 太蔟;畢于八月,故終之以南呂。幽陰之氣,鐘于北方,人之所終歸,鬼 之所藏也,故先之以黃鐘,終之以應鐘。此三樂之始終也。角者,物生之 始也。徵者,物之成。羽者,物之終。天之氣始于十一月,至於正月,萬 物萌動,地功見處,則天功之成也,故地以太蔟為角,天以太蔟為徵。三 月萬物悉達,天功畢處,則地功之成也,故天以姑洗為羽,地以姑洗為徵 。八月生物盡成,地之功終焉,故南呂以為羽。圓丘樂雖以圜鐘為宮,而 曰「乃奏黃鐘,以祀天神」;方澤樂雖以函鐘為宮,而曰「乃奏太蔟,以 祭地祇」。蓋圓丘之樂,始于黃鐘;方澤之樂,始于太蔟也。天地之樂, 止是世樂黃鐘一均耳。以此黃鐘一均,分為天地二樂。黃鐘之均。黃鐘為 宮,太蔟為商,姑洗為角。林鐘為方澤樂而已。唯圜鐘一律,不在均內。 天功畢于三月,則宮聲自合在徵之後、羽之前,正當用夾鐘也。二樂何以 專用黃鐘一均?蓋黃鐘正均也,樂之全體,非十一均之類也。故《漢志》 :「自黃鐘為宮,則皆以正聲應,無有忽微。他律雖當其月為宮,則和應 之律有空積忽微,不得其正。其均起十一月,終于八月,統一歲之事也。 他均則各主一月而已。古樂有下徵調,沈休文《宋書》曰:「下徵調法: 林鐘為宮,南呂為商。林鐘本正聲黃鐘之徵變,謂之下徵調。」馬融《長 笛賦》曰:「反商下徵,每各異善。」謂南呂本黃鐘之羽,變為下徵之商 ,皆以黃鐘為主而已。此天地相與之敘也。人鬼始于正北,成于東北,終 于西北,萃于幽陰之地也。始于十一月,而成于正月者,幽陰之魄,稍出 於東方也。全處幽陰,則不與人接;稍出於東方,故人鬼可得而禮也;終 則復歸于幽陰,復其常也。唯羽聲獨遠于他均者。世樂始于十一月,終于 八月者,天地歲事之一終也。鬼道無窮,非若歲事之有卒,故盡十二律然 後終,事先追遠之道,厚之至也,此廟樂之始終也。人鬼盡十二律為義, 則始于黃鐘,終于應鐘,以宮、商、角、徵、羽為敘,則始于宮聲,自當 以黃鐘為宮也。天神始于黃鐘,始于姑洗,以木、火、土、金、水為敘, 則宮聲當在太徵之後,姑洗羽之前,則自當以圜鐘為宮也。地祇始于太蔟 ,終于南呂,以木、火、土、金、水為敘,則宮聲當在姑洗徵之後,南呂 羽之前,中間唯函鐘當均當均,自當以函鐘為宮也。天神用圜鐘之後,姑 洗之前,唯有一律自然合用也。不曰夾鐘,而曰圜鐘者,以天體言之也。 不曰林鐘,曰函鐘者,以地道言之也。黃鐘無異名,人道也。此三律為宮 ,次敘定理,非可以意鑿也。圜鐘六變,函鐘八變,黃鐘九變,同會于卯 ,卯者,昏明之交,所以交上下、通幽明、合人神,故天神、地祇、人鬼 可得而禮也。自辰以往常在晝,自寅以來堂在夜,故卯為昏明之交,當其 中間,晝夜夾之,故謂之夾鐘。黃鐘一變為林鐘,再變人太蔟,三變南呂 ,四變姑洗,五變應鐘,六應蕤賓,七變大呂,八變夷則,九變夾鐘。涵 鐘一變為太蔟,再變為南呂,三變姑洗,四變應鐘,五變蕤賓,六變太呂 ,七變夷則,八變夾鐘也。圜鐘一變為無射,再變為中呂,三變為黃鐘清 宮,四變合至霖鐘,林鐘無清宮,至太蔟清官為四變;五變合至南呂,南 呂無清宮,直至大呂清宮為五變;六變合至夷則,夷則無清宮,直至夾鐘 清宮為六變也。十二律,黃鐘、大呂、太蔟、夾鐘四律有清宮,總謂之十 六律。自姑洗至應鐘八律,皆無清宮,但處位而已。此皆天理不可易暑。 古人以為難知,蓋不深索之。聽其聲,求其義,考其序,無毫發可移,此 所謂天理也。一者人鬼,以宮、商、角、徵、羽為序者;二者天神,三者 地祇,比以木、火、土、金、水為序者;四者以黃鐘一均分為天地二樂者 ;五者六變、八變、九變皆會于夾鐘者。 六呂:三曰鐘,三曰呂。夾鐘、林鐘、應鐘。太呂、中呂、南呂。鐘與呂 常相間,常相對,六呂之間,復自有陰陽也。納音之法:申、子、辰、巳 、酉、丑為陽紀,寅、午、戌、亥、卯、未為陰紀。亥、卯、未,曰夾鐘 、林鐘、應鐘,陽中之陰也。黃鐘者,陽之所鐘也;夾鐘、林鐘、應鐘, 陰之所鐘也。故皆謂之鐘。巳、酉、丑,太呂、中呂、南呂,陰中之陽也 。呂,助也,能時出而助陽也,故皆謂之呂。 《漢志》:「陰陽相生,自黃鐘始而左旋,八八為伍。」八八為伍者,謂 一上生與一下生相間。如此,則自大呂以後,律數皆差,須自蕤賓再上生 ,方得本數。此八八為伍之誤也。或曰:「律無上生呂之理,但當下生而 用濁倍。二說皆通。然至蕤賓清宮生大呂清宮,又當再上生。如此時上時 下,即非自然之數,不免牽合矣。自子至巳為陽律、陽呂,自午至亥為陰 律、陰呂。凡陽律、陽呂皆下生,陰律、陰呂皆上生。故巳方之律謂之中 呂,言陰陽至此而中也。中呂當讀如本字,作「仲」非也。至午則謂之蕤 賓。陽常為主,陰常為賓。蕤賓者,陽至此而為賓也。納音之法,自黃鐘 相生,至於中呂而中,謂之陽紀;自蕤賓相生,至於應鐘而終,謂之陰紀 。蓋中呂為陰陽之中,子午為陰陽之分也。 《漢志》言數曰:「太極元氣,函三為一。極,中也。元,始也。行于十 二辰,始動于子。參之于丑,得三。又參之于寅,得九。又參之于卯,得 二十七。」歷十二辰,「得十七萬七千一百四十七。此陰陽合德,氣鐘于 子,化生萬物者也。」殊不知此乃求律呂長短體算立成法耳,別有何義? 為史者但見共數浩博,莫測所用,乃曰「此陰陽合德,化生萬物者也。」 嘗有人于土中得一朽弊搗帛杵,不識,持歸以示鄰里。大小聚觀,莫不怪 愕,不知何物。後有一書生過,見之曰:「此靈物也。吾關防風氏身長三 丈,骨節專車。此防風氏脛骨也。」鄉人皆喜,筑廟祭之,謂之「脛廟」 。班固此論,變近乎「脛廟」也。吾聞《羯鼓錄》序羯鼓之聲雲:「透空 碎遠,極異眾樂。」唐羯鼓曲,今唯有邠州一父老能這,有《大合蟬》、 《滴滴泉》之曲。余在鄜延時,尚聞其聲。涇、原承受公事楊元孫因奏事 回,有旨令召此人赴闕。元孫至邠,而其人已死,羯鼓遺音遂絕。今樂部 中所有,但名存而已,「透空碎遠」了無余跡。唐明帝與李龜年論羯鼓雲 :「杖之弊者四櫃。」用力如此,其為藝為知也。唐之杖鼓,本謂之「兩 杖鼓」,兩頭皆用杖。今之杖鼓,一頭以手拊之,則唐之「漢震第二鼓」 也。明帝、宋開府皆善此鼓。其曲多獨奏,如鼓笛曲是也。今時杖鼓,常 時只是打拍,鮮有專門獨奏之妙。古典悉皆散亡,頃年王師南征,得《黃 帝炎》一曲于交趾,乃杖鼓曲也。「炎」或作「鹽」。唐曲有《突厥鹽》 、《阿鵲鹽》。施肩吾詩雲:「顛狂楚客歌成雪,媚賴吳娘笑是鹽。」蓋 當時語也。今杖鼓譜中有炎杖聲。元稹《連昌宮詞》有「逡巡『大遍』涼 州徹。」所謂「大遍」者,有序、引、歌、嗺、哨、催、跌、袞、破、行 、中腔、踏歌之類,凡數十解,每解有數疊者。裁截用之,則謂之「摘遍 。今人大曲,皆是裁用,悉非「大遍」也。鼓吹部有拱辰管,即古之叉手 管也。太宗皇帝賜今名。 邊兵每得勝回,則連隊抗聲凱歌,乃古之遺音也。凱歌詞甚多,皆市井鄙 俚之語。余在鄜延時,制數十曲,今士卒歌之。今粗記得數篇。其一:「 先取山西十二州,別分子將打衙頭。回看秦塞低如馬,漸見黃河直北流。 」其二:「天威卷地過黃河,萬里羌人盡漢歌。莫堪橫山倒流水,從教西 去作恩波。」其三:「馬尾胡琴隨漢車,曲聲猶自怨單于。彎弓莫射雲中 雁,歸雁如今不記書。」其四:「旗隊渾如錦繡堆,銀裝背嵬打回回。先 教淨掃安西路,待向河源飲馬來。」其五:「靈武、西涼不用圍,蕃家總 待納王師。城中半是關西種,猶有當時軋吃根勿反兒。」 《柘枝》舊曲,遍數極多,如《羯鼓錄》所謂《渾脫解》之類,今無復此 遍。寇萊公好《柘枝舞》,會客必舞《柘枝》,每舞必盡日,時謂之「柘 枝顛」。今鳳翔有一老尼,猶是萊公時柘枝妓,雲「當時《柘枝》,尚有 數十遍。今日所舞《柘枝》,比當時十不得二三。」老尼尚能歌其曲,好 事者往往傳之。古之善歌者有語,謂「當使聲中無字,字中有聲。」凡曲 ,止是一聲清濁高下如縈縷耳,字則有喉、唇、齒、舌等音不同。當使字 字舉本皆輕圓,悉融入聲中,令轉換處無大塊,此謂「聲中無字」,古人 謂之「如貫珠」,今謂之「善過度」是也。如宮聲字而曲合用商聲,則能 轉宮為商歌之,此「字中有聲」也,善歌者謂之「內時聲」。不善歌者, 聲無抑揚,謂之「念曲」;聲無含韞,謂之「叫曲。」 五音:宮、商、角為從聲,徵、羽為變聲。從謂律從律,呂從呂;變謂以 律從呂,以呂從律。故從聲以配君、臣、民,尊卑有定,不可相逾;變聲 以為事、物,則或遇于君聲無嫌。六律為君聲,則商、角皆以律應,徵、 羽以呂應。六呂為君聲,則商、角皆以呂應,徵、羽以律應。加變徵,則 從、變之聲已瀆矣。隋柱國鄭譯始條具七均,展轉相生,為八十四調,清 濁混淆,紛亂無統,競為新聲。自後又有犯聲、側聲、正殺、寄殺、偏字 、傍字、雙字、半字之法。從、變之聲、無復條理矣。外國之聲,前世自 別為四夷樂。自唐天寶十三載,始詔法曲與胡部合奏。自此樂奏全失古法 ,以先王之樂為雅樂,前世新聲為清樂,合胡部者為宴樂。古詩皆詠之, 然後以聲依詠以成曲,謂之協律。其志安和,則以安和之聲詠之;其志怨 思,則以怨思之聲詠之。故治世之音安以樂,則詩與志、聲與曲,莫不安 且樂;亂世之音怨以怒,則詩與志、聲與曲,莫不怨且怒。此所以審音而 知政也。詩之外又有和聲,則所謂曲也。古樂府皆有聲有詞,連屬書之。 如曰賀賀賀、何何何之類,皆和聲也。今管弦之中纏聲,亦其遺法也。唐 人乃以詞填入曲中,不復用和聲。此格雖雲自王涯始,然貞元、元和之間 ,為之者已多,亦有在涯之前者。又小曲有「咸陽沽酒寶釵空」之句,雲 是李白所制,然李白集中有《清平樂》詞四首,獨欠是詩;而《花間集》 所載「咸陽沽酒寶釵空」,乃雲是張泌所為。莫知孰是也。今聲詞相從, 唯裡巷間歌謠,及《陽關》、《搗練》之類,稍類舊俗。然唐人填曲,多 詠其曲名,所以哀樂與聲尚相諧會。今人則不復知有聲矣,哀聲而歌樂詞 ,樂聲而歌怨詞。故語雖切而不能感動人情,由聲與意不相諧故也。 古樂有三調聲,謂清調、平調、側調也。王建詩雲「側商調裡唱《伊州》 」是也。今樂部中有三調樂,品皆短小,其聲爣,唯道調小石法曲用之 。雖謂這三調樂,皆不復辨清、平、側聲,但比他樂特為煩數耳。唐《獨 異志》雲:「唐承隋亂,樂虡散亡,獨無徵音。李嗣真密求得之。聞弩營 中砧聲,求得喪車一鐸,入振之于東南隅,果有應者。掘之,得石一段, 裁為四具,以補樂虡之闕。」此妄也。聲在短長厚薄之間,故《考工記》 :「磬氏為磬,已上則磨其旁,已下則磨其端。」磨其毫末,則聲隨而變 ,豈有帛砧裁琢為磬,而尚存故聲哉。兼古樂宮、商無定聲,隨律命之, 迭為宮、徵。嗣真必嘗為新磬,好事者遂附益為之說。既雲:「裁為四具 」,則是不獨補徵聲也。《國史纂異》雲:「潤州曾得王磬十二以獻,張 率更叩其一,曰:『晉苛歲所造也。是歲閏月,造磬者法月數,當有十在 宜于黃鐘東九尺掘,必得焉。』從之,果如其言。」此妄也。法月律為磬 當依節氣,閏月自在其間,閏月無中氣,豈當月律?此懵然者為之也。扣 其一,安知其是晉某年所造?既淪陷在地中,豈暇復按方隅尺寸埋之?此 欺誕之甚也! 《霓裳羽衣曲》。劉禹錫詩雲:「三鄉陌上望仙山,歸作《霓裳羽衣曲》 。」又王建詩雲:「聽風聽水作《霓裳》。」白樂天詩注雲:「開元中, 西涼府節度使楊敬述造。」鄭嵎《津陽門詩》注雲:「葉法善嘗引上入月 宮,聞仙樂。及上歸,但記其半,遂于笛中寫之。會西涼府都督楊敬述進 《婆羅門曲》,與其聲調相符,遂以月中所聞為散序,用敬術所進為其腔 ,而名《霓裳羽衣曲》。」諸說各不同。今蒲中逍遙樓楣上有唐人橫書, 類梵字,相傳是《霓裳譜》,字訓不通,莫知是非。或謂今燕部有《獻仙 音曲》,乃其遺聲。然《霓掌》本謂之道調法曲,今《獻仙音》乃小石調 耳。未知孰是。《虞書》曰:「戛擊鳴球,搏拊琴瑟以詠,祖考來格。」 鳴球非可以戛擊,和之至,詠之不足,有時而至於戛且擊;琴瑟非可以搏 拊,和之至,詠之不足,有時而至於搏且拊。所謂手之、舞之、足之、蹈 之,而不自知其然,和之至,則宜祖考之來格也。和之生于心,其可見者 如此。後之為樂者,文備而實不足。樂師之志,主于中節奏、諧聲律而已 。 古之樂師,皆能通天下之志,故其哀樂成于心,然後宜于聲,則必有 形容以表之。 故樂有志,聲有容,其所以感人深者,不獨出於器而已。 《新五代史》書唐昭宗幸華州,登齊雲樓,西北顧望京師,作《菩薩蠻》 辭三章,其卒章曰:「野煙生碧樹,陌上行人去。安得有英雄,迎歸大內 中?」今此辭墨本猶在陝州一佛寺中,紙札甚草劃,余頃年過陝,曾一見 之,后人題跋多盈巨軸矣。 世稱善歌者皆曰「郢人」,郢州至今有白雪樓。此乃因宋王問曰:』客有 歌于郢中者,其始曰《下裡巴人》,次為《陽阿薤露》,又為《陽春白雪 》,引商刻羽,雜以流徵。」遂謂郢人善歌,殊不考共義。共曰「客有歌 于郢中者」,則歌者非郢人也。其曰《下裡巴人》,國中屬而和者數千人 ;《陽阿薤露》,和者數百人;《陽春白雪》,和者不過數十人;引商刻 羽,雜以流徵,則和者不過數人而已。」以楚之故都,人物猥盛,而和者 止于數人,則為不知歌甚矣。故玉以此自況,《陽春白雪》皆郢人所不能 也。以其所不能者明其俗,豈非大誤也?《襄陽耆舊傳》雖雲:「楚有善 歌者,歌《陽菱白露》、《朝日魚麗》,和之者不過數人。」復無《陽春 白雪》之名。又今郢州,本謂之北郢,亦非古之楚都。或曰:「楚都在今 宜城界中,有故墟尚在。」亦不然也。此鄢也,非郢也。據《左傳》:「 楚成王使籯宜申為商公,沿漢沂江,將入郢,王在渚宮下見之。」沿漢至 於夏口,然後激江,則郢當在江上,不在漢上也。又在渚宮下見之,則渚 宮蓋在郢也。楚始都丹陽,在今枝江,文王遷郢,昭王造者,皆在今江陵 境中。杜預注《左傳》雲:「楚國,今南郡江陵縣北紀南城也。」謝靈運 《鄴中集》詩雲:「南登宛、郢城。」今江陵北十二里有紀南城,即古之 郢都也,又謂之南郢。 六十甲子有納音,鮮原其意。蓋六十律旋相為宮法也。一律含五音,十二 律納六十音也。凡氣始于東方而右行,音起于西方而左行;陰陽相錯,而 生變化。所謂氣始于東方者,四時始于木,右行傳于火,火傳于土,土傳 于金,金傳于水。所謂音始于西方者,五音始于金,左旋傳于火,火傳于 木,木傳于水,水傳于土。納音與《易》納甲同法:乾納甲而坤納癸,始 于乾而終于坤。納音始于金,金,乾也;終于土,土,坤也。納音之法, 同類娶妻,隔八生子,此《漢志》語也。此律呂相生之法也。五行先仲而 後孟,孟而後季,此遁甲三元之紀也。甲子金之仲,黃鐘之商。同位娶乙 丑,大呂之商。同位,謂甲與乙、丙與丁之類。下皆仿此。隔八下生壬申 ,金之孟。夷則之商。隔八,謂大呂下生夷則也。下皆仿此。壬申同位娶 癸酉,南呂之商。隔八上生庚辰,金之季。姑洗之商。此金三元終。若只 以陽辰言之,則依遁甲逆傳仲孟季。若兼妻言之,則順傳孟仲季也。庚辰 同位聚辛巳,中呂之商。隔八下生戌子,火之仲。黃鐘之徵。金三元終, 則左行傳南火也。戌子娶已丑,大呂之徵。生丙申,火之孟。夷則之徵。 丙申娶丁酉,南呂之徵。生皿辰,火之季。姑洗之徵。甲辰娶乙巳,中呂 之徵。生壬子,木之仲。內鐘之角。火三元終,則左行傳于東方木。如是 左行至於丁巳,中呂之宮,五音一終。復自甲午金之仲,娶乙未,隔八生 壬寅,一如甲子之法,終于癸亥。謂蕤賓娶林鐘,上生太蔟之類。自子至 於巳為陽,故自黃鐘至於中呂皆下生;自午至於亥為陰,故自林鐘至於應 鐘皆上生。予于《樂論》敘之甚詳,此不復紀。。甲子乙丑金,與甲午乙 未金雖同,然甲子乙丑為陽律,陽律皆下生;甲午乙未為陽呂,陽呂皆上 生。六十律相反,所以分為一紀也。 今太常鐘鎛,皆于甬本為紐,謂之旋蟲,側垂之。皇祐中,杭州西湖側, 發地得一古鐘,匾而短,其枚長幾半寸,大略制度如《鳧氏》所載,唯甬 乃中空,甬半以上差小,所謂衡者。予細考其制,亦似有義。甬所以中空 者,疑鐘縻自共中垂下,當衡甬之間,以橫括掛之,橫括疑所謂旋蟲也。 今考其名,竹筩之筩,文從竹、從甬,則甬僅乎空筩半以上微小者,所以 礙橫括,以其橫括所在也,則有稀之義也。其橫括之形,似蟲而可旋,疑 所謂旋蟲。以今之鐘、鎛校之,此衡勇中空,則猶小於甬者,乃欲礙橫括 ,似有所因。彼衡、甬俱實,則衡小于甬,似無所因。又以其括之橫于共 中也,則宜有衡義。實甬真上植之,而謂之衡者何義?又橫括以其可旋而 有蟲形,或可謂之旋蟲;今鐘則實共紐不動,何緣得「旋」名?若以側垂 之,其鐘可以掉蕩旋轉,則鐘常不定,擊者安能常當其燧?此皆可疑,未 知孰是。其鐘為尚在錢塘,予群從家藏之。 海州士人李慎言,嘗夢至一處水殿中,觀宮女戲。山陽蔡繩為之傳,敘其 事甚詳。有《拋 曲》十余闋,詞皆清麗。今獨記兩闋:「侍燕黃昏曉未 休,玉階夜色月如流。朝來自覺承恩醉,笑倩傍人認繡」。「堪恨隋家幾 帝王,舞裀揉盡繡鴛鴦。如今重到拋 處,不是金爐舊日香。《盧氏雜說 》:「韓皋謂嵇康琴曲有《廣陵散》者,以玉陵、母丘儉輩皆自廣陵敗散 ,言魏散亡自廣陵始,故名其曲曰《廣陵散》。」以余考之,「散」自是 曲名,如操、弄、摻、淡、序、引之類。故潘岳《笙賦》:「輟張女之哀 彈,流廣陵之名散。」又應琚《與劉孔才書》雲:「聽廣陵之清散。」知 「散」為曲名明矣。或者康借此名以諫諷時事,「散」取曲名,「廣陵」 乃其所命,相附為義耳。馬融《笛賦》雲:「裁以當便便易持。」李善注 謂「簻,馬策也。裁笛以當馬簻,故便易持。」此謬說也。笛安可為馬策 ?簻,管也。古人謂樂之管為簻。故潘岳《笙賦》雲:「脩簻內闢,餘簫 外逶。」裁以當簻者,余器多裁眾簻以成音,此笛但裁一簻,五音皆具。 當簻之工,不假繁猥,所以便而易持也。 笛有雅笛,有羌笛,其形制、所始,舊說皆不同。《周禮》:「笙師掌教 箎篴。」或雲:「漢武帝時,丘仲始作笛。」又雲:「起于羌人。」後漢 馬融所賦長笛,空洞無底,剡其上孔五孔,一孔出其背,正似今之「尺八 」。李善為之注雲:「七孔,長一尺四寸。」此乃今之橫笛耳,太常鼓吹 部中謂之「橫吹」,非融之所賦者。融《賦》雲:「易京君明音律,故本 四孔加以一。君明知加孔後出,是謂商聲五音畢。」沈約《宋書》亦云: 「京房備其五音。」《周禮•笙師》注:「杜子春雲:『遂乃今時所吹五 空竹篴。』」以融、約所記論之,則古篴不應有五孔,則子春之說,亦未 為然。今《三禮圖》畫篴,亦橫設而有五孔,又不知出何典據。 琴雖用桐,然須多年木性都盡,聲始發越。予曾見唐初路氏琴,木皆枯朽 ,殆不勝指,而其聲愈清。又常見越人陶道真畜一張越琴,傳雲古塚中敗 棺杉木也,聲極勁挺。吳僧智和有一琴,瑟瑟微碧,紋石為軫,制度音韻 皆臻妙。腹有李陽冰篆數十字,其略雲:「南溟島上得一木,加伽陀羅, 紋如銀屑,其堅如石,命工斲為此琴。」篆文甚古勁。琴材欲輕、松、脆 、滑,謂之四善。木堅如石,可以制琴,亦所未諭也。《投荒錄》雲:「 瓊管多烏樠、呿陀,皆奇木。」疑「伽陀羅」即「呿陀」也。高郵人桑景 舒,性知音,聽百物之聲,悉能佔其災福,尤善樂律。舊傳有《虞美人草 》,聞人作《虞美人曲》,則枝葉皆動,他曲不然。景舒試之,誠如所傳 。乃詳其曲聲,曰:「皆吳音也。」他日取琴,試用吳音制一曲,對草鼓 之,枝葉亦動,乃謂之《虞美人操》。其聲調與《虞美人曲》全不相近, 始末無一聲相似者,而草輒應之,與《虞美人曲》無異者,律法同管也。 其知者臻妙如此。景舒進士及第,終于州縣官。今《虞美人操》盛行于江 吳間,人亦莫知其如何為吳音。 【卷六 樂律二】 前世遺事,時有于古人文章中見之。元稹詩有「琵琶宮調八十一,三調弦 中彈不出。」琵琶共有八十四調,蓋十二律各七均,乃成八十四調。稹詩 言「八十一調」,人多不喻所謂。余于金陵丞相家得唐賀懷智《琵琶譜》 一冊,其序雲:「琵琶八十四調。內黃鐘、太蔟、林鐘宮聲,弦中彈不出 ,須管色定弦。其余八十一調,皆以此三調為準,更不用管色定弦。」始 喻稹詩言。如今之調琴,髯先用管色「合」字定宮弦下生微,微弦上生商 ,上下相生,終于少商。凡下生者隔二弦,上生者隔一弦取之。凡弦聲皆 當如此。古人仍須以金石為準,《商頌》「依我磬聲」是也。今人敬簡, 不復以弦管定聲,故其高下無准,出於臨時。懷智《琵琶譜》調格,與今 樂全不同。唐人樂學精深,尚有雅律遺法。今之燕樂,古聲多亡,而新聲 大率皆無法度。樂工自不能言其義,如何得其聲和? 今教坊燕樂,比律高址均弱。「合」安比太蔟微下,卻以「凡」字當宮聲 ,比宮之清微高。外方樂尤無法,求體又高教坊一均以來。唯北狄樂聲, 比教坊樂下二均。大凡北人衣冠文物,多用唐俗,此樂疑亦唐之遺聲也。 今之燕樂二十八調,布在十一律,唯黃鐘、中呂、林鐘三律,各具宮、商 、角、羽四音;其余或有一調至二三調,獨蕤賓一律都無。內中管仙呂調 ,乃是蕤賓聲,亦不正當本律。其間聲音出入,亦不全應古法。略可配合 而已。如今之中呂宮,卻是古夾鐘宮;南呂宮,乃古林鐘宮;今林鐘商, 乃古無射宮;今大呂調,乃古林鐘羽。雖國工亦莫能知其所因。 十二律並清宮,當有十六聲。今之燕樂止有十五聲。蓋今樂高于古樂二律 以下,故無正黃鐘聲,只以「合」字當大呂,猶差高,當在大呂、太蔟之 間,「下四」字近蔟,「高四」字近夾鐘,「下一」字近姑洗,「高一」 字近南呂,「上」字近蕤賓;「勾」字近林鐘,「尺」字近夷則,「工」 字近南呂,「高工」字近無射,「六」字近應鐘,「下凡」字為閃鐘清。 法雖如此,然諸調殺聲,不能盡歸本律,故有偏殺、側殺、寄殺、元殺之 類。雖與古法不,同,推這亦皆有理。知聲者皆能言之,此不備載也。 古法,鐘磬每虡十六,乃十六律也。然一虡又自應一律,有黃鐘之虡,有 大呂之虡,其他樂皆然。且以琴言之,雖皆清實,其間有聲重者,有聲輕 者。材中自有五音,故古人名琴,或謂之清徵。或謂之清角。不獨五音也 ,又應諸調。余友人家有一琵琶,置之虛室,以管色秦雙調,琵琶弦輒有 聲應之,秦他調則不應,寶之以為異物,殊不知此乃常理。二十八調但有 聲同者即應;若遍二十作調而不應,則是逸調聲也。古法,一律有七音, 十二律共八十四調。更細分之,尚不止八十四,逸調至多。偶在二十八調 中,人見其應,則以為怪,此常理耳。此聲學至要妙處也。今不知此理, 故不能極天地至和之聲。世之樂工,弦上半日調尚不能知,何暇及此? 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